«It is better to trip with the toe than the tongue.»
– Swahili proverb

This chapter deals with events related to language in Tanzanian classrooms. During a lesson, many signs are given and communicated both orally and physically. The main issues here are:
How do different languages create different social contexts? Which discourse defines discipline?

I want to discuss how discipline is performed via English and/or Swahili as language of instruction, and I will discuss how language matters for the role of the teacher in his or her classroom.

During my fieldwork, I noticed that both teachers and students switched between Swahili and English, even though the language of instruction in secondary schools de jure is English. Other studies show that code mixing as well is common in Tanzanian schools (Brock-Utne 2009; Mwinsheikhe 2007; Vuzo 2007). Moreover, city people in Asian and African post-colonies switch between their mother tongue and the language of the colonial power (Gumperz 1982: 64). Two versions of such bi-lingual communication are distinguished: code mixing and code switching.

According to my informants, they talk mostly Swahili at home. In my host family, their practices confirmed this claim. Sometimes, they’d talk Kisambaa, the vernacular of the Sambaa ethnic group. Naadir, the oldest of the children, went to a English medium primary school, and thus knew more English. He could still sometimes get verbal correction for speaking English with me at home. You were supposed to talk Swahili there. I got good feedback whenever I tried to speak Swahili. They found my accent amusing and we also found common ground in music.

From a language course we learned a well known Kenyan song, Malaika. This song is popular in Tanzania as well, and I sang it at the dinner table once. It triggered something, which Unni Wikan (1992) labels resonance. By enjoying the food and music from East Africa, we reached mutual plateaus for interaction. My interest in Swahili straightened these connections. During the fieldwork, I went to Usambara to meet Zareenah’s parents. In that setting, it was even more important to know Swahili. Her brother brought me to a school. He didn’t know English, so we talked in Swahili. We got to know each other well, still.

In the villages, people talk less in English. When visiting Usambara, I noticed most inhabitants spoke only in Kisambaa. The headmaster at the secondary school I visited, claimed it was a problem that the students spoke in Kisambaa at school. He told that he needed to punish them by caning them. When children are punished this way for talking their vernacular, it undermines the mother tongue. Somehow, it gets attributed a lower status when kids are caned for using it. Below, I will present some theories on language and some empirical data from Tanzanian classrooms, for practical analysis. Throughout my fieldwork, I had the skilled help of an interpreter.

Structural power

Wolf (1994) thinks it is fruitful to divide power into four forms. One, as an attribute by the person; two, the ability to implement your will on an alter in social interaction; three, to control the circumstances where people can show their potential and interact with others (tactical or organizational power); and four, the ability to structure the other’s possible field of action (Wolf 1994: 218-219).

The Tanzanian educational system is based on the British, and since the language of instruction is English, it can be a medium for structural power. The term structural power refer to a type of power performed through an organization or institution, where the organizational structure is a result of decisions with a certain purpose. For instance, it could be in British interests to keep English as language of intruction, because it leads to sales of books in English published by British presses. During English Language Teaching Support Project no textbooks were published in Tanzania (Brock-Utne 2000: 183). The assignments were give British publishers.

Brock-Utne also found that CCM, tha largest political party in Tanzania, had little influence on the educational policy. No functionaries from CCM were invited to the committee that in 1993 wrote about the Tanzanian education for the 21st century (ibid.: 95). CCM’s ideology, ujamaa and kujitegemea (socialism and subsistence), was in opposition to the donor’s ends. After Ali Hassan Mwinyi became president in 1995, he approved the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) change management plan for down-payments of debt, which included an acceptance of structural adjustment programs. Rubagumya (1990) claims that the agreement between IMF and Tanzania had certain terms and conditions like free market capitalism, liberalization of the economy, devaluation of currency and reduced public spending.

Clarke (1996: 300-301 quoted in Vuzo 2007: 35) claims that structural adjustment programs like these, are instruments for re-colonization of many developing countries in the South, in transnational banks and corporations» interests. These organizations use English to communicate with Tanzanians and thereby strengthen the position of English in the country. English is also preferred as language, since it’s associated with science, knowledge and education, which all are sorts of power. Below, I discuss these proposals via a theory of linguistic imperialism.

Linguistic imperialism

Linguistic imperialism is a sort of cultural imperialism, «which is connected to language, but also transmitted to other categories , since all of them are disseminated through language» (Vuzo 2007: 124). In Tanzania, English thus is preferred in politics, economics, technology and education. Mwajuma Vuzo compared lessons in Geography taught in English and Swahili in Tanzania secondary schools. She takes this theory in use, to show that Swahili is suppressed as a result of the overaching structure of asymmetrical North-South relations, where language cover fields in line with economic, cultural and political dimensions (Philipson 1997, quoted in Vuzo 2007).

Several of my informants insisted that they»d prefer English as language of instruction, because it would strengthen their cances of getting a good job. One of the mothers in my host family sent her son to a private primary school with English a language of intruction. «At home the kids talk Swahili, so it’s better that they talk English at school. I think so many countries use English as an international language, and that’s why English is necessary for us to use,» she stated.

This corresponds to what Brock-Utne (2000) refers to as a misunderstanding between learning English as a subject, and learning subjects in English. Teachers and students advocated this understanding. Halima Mwinsheikhe (2007) wrote on strategies used to cope with issues regarding English/Swahili as language of instruction. Several of her informants preferred English as language of instruction, because it is «the language for wider communication and with higher linguistic capital» (Mwinsheikhe 2007: 311). Nyerere also supported English as language of instruction. He viewed English to the world, like Swahili is to Tanzania: «English should be language of instruction in secondary education and higher educational institutions, because it will die as just a normal subject» (Vuzo 2007: 32).

Likewise, a student in Form V, Fredrick, expressed that English should be language of instruction, since it would strengthen possibilities of employment for the students. He wanted to be a lawyer, and only minor courts used Swahili, thus he needed English to be a lawyer.

«The main priority is to learn English. I think it’s good that English is language of instruction, because it’s international. You’ll get job opportunities, in stead of using Swahili, only present in East Africa. […] If we shall develop, we need to know English, because other countries are helping us. I can’s say that I dislike English, because my country depends on other countries.»

The way Fredrick spoke, contains an economic and linguistic connection. He established coherence between linguistic competence and job opportunities. Another analogy is to call this a conversion from linguistic to financial capital. English language skills are a premise to get a well paid job, such as lawyer, since English is used in all higher courts of Tanzania (Lwaitama and van Grieken 2006).

During British colonial administration, English language knowledge was an important skill for hiring staff in the governmental administration (ibid.: 24). Johnston et al. (2000: 164) defines theory of dependence by calling it a theory which explains the «blocked or distorted way countries in the third world develop, as a consequence of the power external countries (colonial powers or post-colonial ones) have to exploit countries in the periphery» (quoted in Vuzo 2007: 124). Those who support this theory, think the rich countries need a group of poor countries to secure their wealth.

Africa is technologically, financially and military wise depending on industrialized countries in the North. During the colonial periods, the colonial powers introduced their languages in the educational systems, and so these languages were means educated Africans used to communicate with colonists as well as each-other. In this manner, these languages developed to become international languages. Philpson (1992) points out that these phenomena raised a few world languages on top, with lines of local minority languages at the bottom. Increasing inequalities between languages is what Philipson frames as linguistic imperialism. To learn colonial languages, was also a way of mental adjustment. Brevie, a governor in French East Africa, wrote in 1930 that «the brain of the native can be disciplined by mastering French orally» (Brock-Utne 2000). Similarly, the French author and lawyer J.M. Servan (1737-1807) described the power of an idea: «A silly despot will lay ties on his slaves with iron chains; but a true politician ties them even stronger with the chains of their own ideas; it is by the stable point of reason he secures the end of the chain; this chain is stronger because we don’t know what it’s made of and we think it is our on work; misery and time decay the iron and steel ties, but they are power less against the traditional union of ideas, they can only tighten them further; and the most solid empires are founded upon the soft fibers of the brain» (Foucault 1979: 102-103).

Foucault views this form of power as a new corporeal power. Even though he addresses the law’s power over humans, the perspective can relate to the power of language over the colonized. To be educated, Africans need to think and express themselves in English, and so become disciplined by English as language.

Words as means of barter

A conversation is an exchange of phenomena. This contains communication as an economy of statements (Allen 1999: 71). If the language of instruction is English, and the students don’t master the language, it’s less likely they contribute to this economy. English can so become a means of power that silences the students» abilities to express themselves. Research (i.e. Roy-Campbell & Qorro 1987; Criper & Dodd 1984; Mwinsheikhe 2007) shows that students, and to a certain degree also teachers, have difficulties learning in English. Halima Mwinsheikhe (2007) relates a lack of English language knowledge to the educational policy, and claims that students are passive in the lessons as a result of insufficient linguistic competence.

When Swahili is in use, the students increase participation. As we will see, Swahili is in a high degree used for social messages where the students are involved directly. Swahili activates thus a social capital, while English somehow activates a cultural capital (Bourdieu 1995). I assert that there is more reciprocity involved when the language spoken is Swahili, as compared to English. In those cases the teacher talks only English, he or she gets less response than when Swahili is spoken.

The debate on language of instruction

For some time there has been a debate regarding which language should be the language of instruction in Tanzanian secondary schools. During German colonial administration (1886-1920), Swahili was administrative language and language of instruction in the four year primary school (Brock-Utne 2000). During British colonial administration, English became administrative language in Tanganyika, while Swahili still was language of instruction in the primary school for African children. Then it was different educational systems for Africans, Asians and Europeans. In the 1950s, English officially became language of instruction from Standard 3. A study preformed by the national Swahili council (BAKITA) showed that students in the secondary school had major difficulties learning subjects taught in English, and BAKITA argued that Swahili should be language of instruction in both secondary and tertiary education (Mlama & Matteru 1978, quoted in Vuzo 2007: 31).

The Makweta commission (1982) recommended to strengthen the teaching of Swahili and English, and advocated for a change of language of instruction in secondary schools from English to Swahili. In January 1985, Swahili was intended to be used in Form I and also in higher education at a later stage. J. Makweta, then minister of education, said in August 1983 that these changes would not take place anyhow. According to him, it was the government that decided to stop the progress of Swahili in higher levels of education (Brock-Utne 2000: 179). Later he claimed that university employees from the Institute for education reversed the decision. According to Bourdieu’s theories on language and power, this can be attributed as a way for the elites to keep their power. «Relations of communication are also relations of symbolic power, where power relations between actors or their respective groups are actualized» (Bourdieu 1991: 37).

In the Summer of 1984, a study financed by the British government focused on how the English proficiency was in different levels of the educational system. This study showed low levels of English language knowledge at most schools, concluding that there would be too little efficient learning in the schools. Furthermore, the study estimated that as much as 75 % of the teaching in Form I was performed in Swahili. A new study by Qorro and Roy-Campbell in 1987 confirmed these trends: 94 % of students in secondary schools didn’t comprehend the textbooks, even with help from the teachers. To out of three teachers in the test group thought their students» abilities to read English were insufficient. The researchers concluded with a recommendation of a shift from English to Swahili in secondary schools (Vuzo 2007: 56).

The study from 1984 also recommended that the levels of English knowledge should be strengthened. This recommendation is seen in context with the English Language Teaching Support Project, which the British government would fund under the condition that English was maintained as language of instruction (Brock-Utne 2000: 180). The rationale was that English was necessary as the language for technological development. Several teachers I met underscored this claim as an argument against Swahili as language of instruction in secondary schools. During a conversation with a physics teacher as Mtaa Secondary School, he answered this on why he didn’t want to teach in Swahili: «If you teach in Swahili, how will you communicate with the others? How will you teach biology and physics? You will need foreign material. How will you explain anatomy in Swahili? To whom will you disseminate the knowledge? There is a need for communication with people from other nations. All the material is imported, anyhow.»

This attitude was common among teachers I met. It can resemble an imagined conception of knowledge as something external, even something imported from abroad. Several informants argued that teachers would need retraining if the language of instruction would be changed to Swahili. The headmaster at Mtaa said: «I am educated in teaching math, but if I should teach it in Swahili, I wouldn’t have managed. I only know how to do it in English.» I experience this as a manifestation of an educational system that alienates teachers and students to their own mother tongue.

Helen Verran (2001) addresses similar issues in the book Science and an African Logic. She taught math in Nigeria. She claims that English and Yoruba contains respective logics regarding math and world view. While English language uses the 10 digit system, Yoruba takes the 20 digit system in use for quantification. Furthermore, it is natural for students and teachers to group quantity in larger units as stead of measuring in for instance centiliters. Her informants also switched codes in lessons.

Verran has a relativistic approach to math. While numbers mainly are adjectives in English, they are mainly adverbs in Yoruba. She argues that quantification is as logical and abstract in Yoruba as in English. Some studies have shown that African children have issues with qualitative differences, but cope well with manipulating numbers (ibid.: 124). Verran claims this has led to an inadequate generalization of primitive quantification in African societies.

Below, I will present empirical examples where informants switch between Swahili and English. Such a switch may be also a switch from formal to informal context, while an opposite switch can be a switch back to an «academic,» formal context. This somehow confirms English’s status as a scientific language.

The main argument for ending English as language of instruction, is that it is a barrier for children’s abilities to learn subjects. Dr. Martha Qorro, University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM), claims that English as language of instruction not only reduces student ability to learn the academic content, but that is is an obstacle to learning the English language too. She thinks that the students are taught an inadequate version of English, since most teachers don’t have good mastering of the language (News from the Nordic Africa Institute 2007). As a conclusion, the students have difficulties expressing themselves in English.

Not all agree that the language of instruction should be changed. Dr. Michael Kadeghe, also from UDSM, contends that English should still be language of instruction. He argued that Swahili nor is the mother tongue for the majority of Tanzanians. He claimed that Swahili doesn’t have a sufficient vocabulary to be used in teaching certain subjects, and that it could be a barrier for technological progress. As an example, the English words refraction and reflection are both translated to pinda in Swahili. «When you are presented such a concept, it creates a wrong impression. You loose parts of the original intention» (Kadeghe 2007 [interview]).

Another condition is that formal education was established by the colonial powers. Kadeghe therefore argues that the education should be instructed in English, since Tanzania doesn’t have a «indigenous» education. The poor results from national exams is a result of the public school. «The problem is public schools; no books, incompetent teachers and no conclusive environment. Public schools perform low because of this» (Kedeghe 2007 [interview]). Michael Kadeghe wrote several textbooks in English and is headmaster in a private secondary school in Dar es Salaam.

A third approach is to have a bi-lingual education, as the current situation in Tanzania is. Wales and Canada have also such arrangements. Still, it can be problematic for students to start secondary school, when they’ve already learned Swahili in primary school. The researchers Criper and Dodd estimated that 75 % of Form I lessons were given in Swahili (Brock-Utne 2000: 179). This comes as no surprise according to my experience with Tanzanian secondary schools. A teacher, Mr. Machemba, who taught in Form I, told that he used Swahili because the students didn’t understand much English, and furthermore they were so shy. Kadeghe stated that teachers use both languages in universities and secondary schools. Vuzo (2007) argues that the language of instruction in secondary schools is a mix of English and Swahili, in reality. A report from BAKITA concluded that «English as language of instruction is dysfunctional, while Swahili as «support-language» is officially prohibited» (Vuzo 2007: 11).

When the interview was done, Dr. Kadeghe spoke Swahili with me. «Now the formal part is finished,» he smiled. Even though switching and mixing of languages officially is prohibited, it happens all the time. Every day I frequented Mtaa, I heard examples of this. Below, I elaborate some situations where language switching is used as contextual markers.

The school as prose

Most of the lessons I observed, contained shifts between English and Swahili by both teachers and students. The switch often changed the social meaning in the communication and thus also the interaction in the classroom. From my observations, more than just the language changed. It was as if some already given premises for interaction were present for students, guiding their understanding of the teachers» code switching. This paragraph will try to understand these premises, in light of the teacher role.

Research shows that bilingual persons who switch codes often, master both languages very well (Aarsæther 2006: 43). Thus, code switching can be something more than a coping strategy to compensate for a lack of ability in one of the languages. However, I experiences teachers who used Swahili to clarify and elaborate some topics, but only rarely. Usually, code switching seemed to contain a shift of either recipient for the message or the topic of the conversation.

The use of language changes social contexts in schools. It was no coincidence when the switch took place in the processes of interaction. Frequently, the use of the two languages stood in contrast to each-other: Informal topics were communicated in Swahili by teachers, while the subject was taught in English. My empirical data proves code switching and code mixing as every day activities among both teachers and students. Students would use standard English while talking to the teachers, while they spoke Swahili when addressing each-other. This can lead to different interpretations. John Gumperz (1982: 30) presents a scenario where an African American student switches between standard English to the teacher, while using «black English» to talk to fellow students. The student asked the teacher for a recommendation to use in an application for a scholarship. Then he told his fellow students: «Ahma git me a gig!» «I will get help.» Someone thought he switched to «black English» to justify the request, and to tell the other students that he needed to «follow the rules us black people must do to survive in the world dominated by the white» (ibid.: 32).

To examine the Mtaa students» experiences of the phenomenon, I performed a survey where 26 students answered questions on this topic among others. All respondents were Form VI students, with long schooling experience. 22 students confirmed that teachers mixed English and Swahili in the lessons, 2 answered that some teachers do, 1 responded that teachers only use English and 1 didn’t answer. On the question if students mix languages, all students confirmed except one who didn’t answer.

This only gives a small sample, but the results indicate that bi-lingualism is an important part of schooling, practiced by teachers and students alike. Halima Mwinsheikhe (2007: 248) conducted a study where code switching was mentioned by 38 of 42 students and 2 of 4 teachers. Mwinsheikhe viewed code switching as a coping strategy to disemminate the academic content, while I argue that teachers also use it to create dynamics in social interaction. Below, I present four teachers, two who mixed languages and two who didn’t. Then I analyze which differences this brought.

Tony

Tony was a recent graduate, and started working at Mtaa in February 2007. He talked to me in a tea break in the staff room, and we got acquainted. I will now present one of his lessons, which I observed.

He was substitute in a physics lesson for Form II. I taped the sound to have better basis for following analysis. Still, the body language, smell and other sensory impressions do not get recorded on the tape. Tony took code switching and code mixing in use during this lesson. He could start a sentence in English, an then elaborate in Swahili. Sometimes he stated full sentences in English, and the translated them to Swahili. He talked mostly in English in the beginning of the lesson, for then supplementing information in Swahili. The lesson was like a lecture: The teacher wrote on the blackboard and explained. The topic was work capacity and power. When he spoke in Swahili, the students became more attentive, they would for instance look up and take notes. Their body language could become more active. He also asked questions in English, but got little response. At the end, the students were assigned to solve a task. Following the lesson, I asked Tony if he mixed languages to increase student understanding.

«Yes, as we learned at the college. They told us that when you teach, there is some causality you have to emphasize. To do that, we use Swahili. We use it now and then, not all the time.»

Tony argued that language switching emphasized causality. Implicitly, I interpreted him to say that the students» English mastering was insufficient for understanding causality. Thus, it supports the claim that Tony used code switching as a coping strategy. In contrast to Mr. Mlaki, who we will get known with below, Tony used mainly code switching.

Mr. Machemba

Older teachers at Mtaa viewed language somewhat differently. Mr. Machemba had taught for 33 years, and as an Mtaa employee since 1998. He emphasized Swahili’s importance for Tanzania as a nation. «There is not one particular Tanzania culture […] the culture is based on a common idea of one language and one school for all religions and tribes,» he claimed. Compared to Kenya, it was more peacefulness between ethnic groups. When it came to language of instruction, he meant that is should either be English or Swahili, not a mix. He taught Swahili in Form I among other subjects. He believed that Swahili one day would become language of instruction also in secondary schools, but that would require great resources. He answered like this when asked whether Swahili would get further Anglicized or not.

«No, that won’t happen. Swahili is becoming an East African language […] the whole south-eastern zone speaks Swahili, even though they don’t use it officially. It’s not difficult for us to communicate with people in Mozambique. They speak Portuguese, but know Swahili. Many South Africans speak Swahili in addition to English. If you go to Somalia, it is used; and in Rwanda and Burundi. Uganda has made it an official language, and it is taught. In Sudan, it is spoken by many, not to mention the Middle East. We had a guest, who lived here when the East African railway was built. These people from India, Sidhi, […] they spoke Swahili, and went back to India. In that area, they still speak Swahili, I’ve been told. The French brothers and the German linguists started with Swahili grammar, and with Swahili lessons. The Germans taught in Swahili and administered in Swahili. Our primary school took Swahili in use at that time. Then the British arrived and the language policy got indecisive. If you read the history of Swahili, the British were unwilling to adapt the language usage. The encouraged use of tribal vernaculars in Kenya. Even political meetings in Kenya were concerned with tribal politics. That explains why Kenyans are influenced by tribal belongings.»

The teacher was proud of Swahili, and viewed the language as a reconciliation factor between ethnic groups in Tanzania, as opposed to Kenya, where relations were more tense, according to him. An effect of the tensions, got their outplay in the conflicts following the 2007 Kenyan general election. Several of Mr. Machemba’s children studied in Kenya. They could report that someone would rise in a congregation and say, «I am Kikuyu, I come from Ambo. I am Luo, I come from Kisu.» This was in college level. Mr. Machemba thought this was nonsense in Tanzania.

«Here anyone will rise and say, «I am this or that, and I come from Kagera or Kilimanjaro.» It is not a tribe anymore. People can sit and talk in tribal vernaculars when they are sure that they have the same background. But they never talk about tribal supremacy here.»

He was of Chagga ethnicity, who somewhat stereo-typically are known to be well educated business people. He commented this claim with historical conditions. Since missionaries came there and established formal education, they developed faster. Where missionaries put their feet, is where you find better educated people. he contained.

Mr. Lauwo

Mr. Lauwo was the teacher I first observed when I came to Mtaa. He was my only example of a teacher who only used English in his teaching. Above, I wrote that code switching between English and Swahili could signify a shift of context. The teachers would often speak Swahili when they checked if student comprehended the lessons, or when they wanted the students to relax with a joke. When the teacher took the role of a disciplinarian, he or she would more often talk Swahili. Below, I will go through a lesson in Economics by Mr. Lauwo, to illustrate an everyday setting with English as language of instruction. My contention is that teachings may appear less dynamic and interaction based when the language is only English, than it would have been if the teacher code switched between English and Swahili.

Mr. Lauwo’s teaching style was to mainly lecture and write full sentences on the blackboard. He dressed with shirt and a tie. Because of the sunshine, I found it hard to read the text on the blackboard. While he wrote, there were disturbance by some students, but he ignored the noise. After writing several longer sentences, he asked: «With which methods can you calculate national income?» No-one answered. The teachers pointed to several students, and the third one gave a silent answer. Mr. Lauwo asked his class if they heard the student. They did not, so he had to repeat.

Two students in the back of the classroom were chatting together instead of paying attention. As a punishment, they had to rise up and state their names. They stood like that for a minute. The students in front were more attentive and appear to take more notes than average. I tended to sit in the front too in those lessons I observed. This was mainly because I came too late to sit anywhere else. Presides, the students I became acquainted with, sat often in front as well. Sometimes they held a seat for me. As a consequence of this, I got a small note addressed mzungu: «What’s up? Why don’t you come to us in the back and say hi!» I followed the request the next day. I learned that it was far harder to see the blackboard and to hear the teacher. The students were murmuring in Swahili to each-other and sent small paper notes. A student contented that those in the back liked to talk and tell stories. «Most of us stay in the front. Those in the back are afraid to be asked questions.»

The lesson continued in the same manner. Mr. Lauwo wrote the name of a range of financial institutions. In-between he would ask questions. One student performed the law of demand and supply. The lesson was in English only, and did not take use of informal jokes or small talk. A conclusion was: «I hope I am clear that this is how the law works.» That was the end of the lesson, and the teacher left.

The legislation permits only English in secondary school lessons, with a few exceptions. This can be a barrier in the education system, for both students and teachers, since English is not equally mastered by all. Another lesson I participated in, was somehow limited by simple feedback in English from teacher to students. If the students succeeded, the teacher responded: «Good girl/boy.» English as language of instruction seemed to decrease the differentiation abilities in his instructions. Mwinsheikhe (2007: 271) argues that the lack of English knowledge is significant for both teachers and students, both in numbers and the seriousness of the problems.

The teacher may be limited to play out his or her role when English is a communication barrier. If a teacher will say something funny or off the record, he often says it in Swahili. I interpreted this to be an effect of language mastery for involved stakeholders.

Mr. Mlaki

When teachers talked in English, the students seemed to understand that that was the time to take notes and «reproduce» whatever the teacher said. If the language would be Swahili, the context more likely could be humorous or related to discipline. Goffman (1974) used the concept frame to describe how people interpret situations. Likewise, we can imagine that the teacher’s language framed how the content could be understood. No need to say, the frames are not experienced the same of the participants.

Mr. Mlaki was among the teachers at Mtaa who code switched the most. A lesson I want to present, was in the subject Geography II (Demography). The empirical data may illustrate my claims. Mr. Mlaki taught Form VI HGL (History, Geography, English Language) about alternative sources of energy in Tanzania. He switched between English and Swahili during the lesson, and wrote keywords on the blackboard. «The world is well equipped with numerous sources of power and engine fuel like fossil fuels, petrol, crude oil, and so on.» He continued with explanations about bio gas. After two sentences written, he asked if everybody understood. The question was in Swahili. The students confirmed, and he went on. A few minutes later, he cracked a joke in Swahili, which made students laugh. «Are you together, Stella?» he asked. He made fun of, or with, the student next to me, Stella. He continued: «Carolina is a place where cotton is grown. Why then do parents name their children Carolina? Or why do people call their children Stella when it is the name of a beer?» «It is not a beer, it is a star!» Stella swiftly replied. The answer seemed to take him by surprise.

By his switching of topics, languages and styles, I interpreted his lesson as a memorable hour of work. His emphasis was in disseminating the subject, but his breaks and humor in Swahili gave the lesson something extra, I believe. The switch to Swahili could activate a social community incorporated in the language learned. Stella elaborated on this after the lesson: «He is a good teacher. We like him so, because we are never bored in his lessons.» She continued that he might be quite strict, although he joked much. As teacher, he framed the lesson with diverse teaching strategies coaxing the students» attention. Tony, in comparison, used code switching more a a coping strategy. Mr. Mlaki could moreover create a thematic order with his two languages. He stated full sentences in each language. I will go further into a discussion of English and Swahili as order or disorder below.

According to linguistic socialization theory, the process whereby an individual becomes a competent member of a community, is significantly realized through language (L. Moore 2006). In this lesson, as several others, parts of the teaching technique could be characterized as rote learning. The students were supposed to repeat the information in the same manner as disseminated by the teacher. Leslie Moore (2006: 121) argues that this kind of memorization «socializes children in the second language and the associated ways of doing, being and feeling.» A claim can be proposed that when the teacher applies English to disseminate subject content, and Swahili to communicate informal ideas, this can socialize individuals to experience English as a professional language and Swahili as an applied language. When Mr. Mlaki switched to Swahili, it activated social schemas for the use of Swahili. It appears to be more associated with everyday living, enjoying life and each-others ideas and jokes. From a study of Quran schools in northern Cameroon, L. Moore found that children learn to develop linguistic and cultural competences from linguistic socialization where Arab and French are in use. In a similar manner, students in Tanzania can learn linguistic and cultural codes by switching and mixing language. An issue can arise if the teacher’s mastery of one language is poor. This contention has been important in the debate about language of instruction.

If all instructions should be in a foreign language, it requires that the teacher possesses a vocabulary both for classroom administration, organizing, discipline, feedback, informal talk and to speak of language as a topic (Vuzo 2007: 10). As a consequence of my experience of frequent Swahili use for several of these activities, teacher may lack some of the language proficiency. However, as we saw in Mr. Mlaki’s Geography lesson, code switching may compensate a lacking vocabulary. During this lesson, I did not observe severe discipline issues. Through his communication, he set up a thematic context along with a linguistic contrast.

The teacher role via words

In this paragraph, I would like to discuss how a teacher makes and underscores his or her role through language application. An example is drawn from a Physics lesson. The teacher handed back assessed tests. The results were poor. «Pull up your socks!» the teacher said. The best result was 57/100, he explained. The students clapped. The lowest was 10, and the students clapped ironically for this too. The teacher went through the questions during this lesson. A few students answered on the blackboard. The teacher asked «Are we together?» every now and then. Someone thought this question was rude. It implies a status difference when the teachers ask if the students are following the content. Code switching can also signify a status difference, by implying that students do not master English sufficiently. Another symbol is the rod. The rod was placed on a desk presides the teacher’s desk the whole lesson. An interpretation of the rod as a symbol of the teacher’s power and a means of deterring misbehavior. A student got three blows from the rod by the teacher during this lesson. When addressing a specific student, the teacher applied Swahili, and when addressing the class with the subject, he spoke English. I argue that this established a relation between the personal and Swahili. Quite often teachers would make sarcastic remarks. An example to illustrate this can be the teacher ridiculing a student by saying: «You have repeated Form V two times, and you are still silly.»

Colonial hangover

Professor Justinian Galabawa from the University of Dar es Salaam perceived the Tanzanian educational system as suffering from a colonial hangover. Galabawa had worked a long time to change language of instruction in the secondary school.

«The students can learn English as a language, not through physics. Since the Asian economy is strong, we should rather learn Chinese. In 30 years, the economy will be dominated by Japanese or Chinese. The market is there. I can tell you: If a political decision is made next year, we will start teaching in Swahili. The National Swahili Institute has written books, but we are caught in a colonial hangover mentality. The industrial revolution in England started when they used English in stead of Latin. Look at the comparative advantages: We do not take basic resources in use. 35 million people speak Swahili. All teachers can speak Swahili (Galabawa 2007 [interview]).

English as a language of instruction can be particularly alienating in the villages. Another claim is that is widens the gap to Swahili as an academic language. An argument for English, is the benefits of English proficiency on the labor market. English may have a higher status, by increasing job prospects in Tanzania and abroad. Galabawa rebutted these claims:

In rural areas, English is a dead language. English knowledge among teachers is poor. We need a major project: «What is knowledge? What is development?» Education is mystique, some say that physics is not part of Tanzanian culture. It is nonsense, that it is British culture. Make them concentrate on Swahili. You do not need to go via English to understand what a flower is. English is a language that is not part of the culture. I have also problems explaining concepts in English. (ibid.)

Still, students need to learn English to get higher education. Parents who can afford it, tend to send their children to private primary schools with English as language of instruction. I visited such a school in Dar es Salaam. It was built in 2002, and had open and bright classrooms. The three lessons I observed did not contain any punishments. The teachers did not code switch either. The headmaster thought English use was the main priority when parents sent their children to this school. «The children who are taught in English in primary school, do not face the same problems in secondary school. It is prestige for educated groups to speak English. Now we have a colonial mentality, that if you speak Swahili, you are one type of class, and if you speak English, you are another [lowers the hand].»

The choice of words by this headmaster confirms the assertion of Swahili as far from being recognized as an academic language. In signs, students are encouraged to speak English. Bourdieu (1991: 167) viewed the language of communication as a culture that both unites and separates. It furthermore legitimates distinctions by fording other cultures to define themselves by the distance to the majority. The headmaster of Mtaa made an interesting comment on Swahili: «We still need English as an international language. Yes, great, we need English, but then if we go back to Swahili. Our language has not developed enough to mould students in secondary level.» Here the headmaster applied several metaphors. The language is not developed enough and that language moulds the students. English has more power than Swahili. Still, English proficiency is not excellent among the youth. The English teacher Mr. Mlawi gave Form V an answer to why this may be.

Things were better before

Mr. Mlawi was normally well-dressed and wore a confindent smile when teaching. He would often shoot sarcastic remarks at students. His lessons were performed mainly by heart, and I perceived his Enligsh as very good.

The present lesson will illustrate his attitude to the condition of Tanzanian schools. He showed relations between ideology and practice in Tanzanian politics. His style was energetic, by walking around the classroom. The class was Form V HKL with approximately 80 students present. He started by addresing the topic of the lesson. «I will explain why it was possible to learn English more efficiently in the 1950s and 1960s than today. As students, you should know this [spoken in English]. You parents» generation speaks better English than you. You talk blah blah blah [spoken in Swahili].» The students laughed out loud when he made fun of them. He said it in Swahili, somehting which illustrate my contention of language as a contextual marker. By switching language, he prepared the students for something informal. Moreover this could be a joke, but also it may be discipline instructions. Mr. Mlawi went back to the topic, and switched thereby language too.

The situation of Swahili before 1967 was this: Students raed local magazines in Swahili. They do not learn English, only via pop music and pornography. Thus was the situation before the Arusha declaration. The objective of the declaration was to make the Tanzanian population self-supported; an African reaction towards colonialism.»

He continued to claim that it was fewer students in the classes before, and that the teachers were competent, the curriculum comprehensible, and they also had oral exams. «Then, the students worked properly to learn English.» He stated four reasons for the present misfortune: 1. No competent teachers in most schools. 2. No local role models to imitate. 3. Tanzania has wto official languages. 4. Lack of teachers» materials.

«How can you expect students to learn English without the necessary books? The government does not care about the use of English.»

Another claim was that most jobs go to Kenya or Uganda. A Swahili proverb was used to illustate this. «Someone you consider evil, wears shoes you consider to be medicine.» You can dislike someone, and still envy his or her possesions. Many of the research participants talked about going to Kenya or Uganda for studies. Nathifa wished to study at the Makerere University in Kampala. Thomas preferred English since «when you go abroad, aome of the machines and PCs are in English.» Still, he preferred to talk Swahili, «because it is my mother tongue, and it protects our culture.»

During my fielwork, I got an idea that English application led to more use of corporal punishment, since students can get insecure and perform lower. As a consequence of lower performance and less contributions in the lessons, they can risk getting more punishment. I made an informal questionnaire which somehow confirmed this claim. According to the students experice, 55 % of the participants confirmed more use of corporal punishment when the language of instruction is English. 14 % rejected the claim, and 31 % thought it did not make any difference.

Reciprocity

As mentioned, communication can be considered as a transaction. Mr. Mlawi is an example of a teacher with great linguistic capital since the language of instruction was English. The students seemed attentive to his body langugage and lessons in general. His criticism of students was made with tongue in cheek. His language switching gave a sense of order to the lessons, for me and also for the students, I think.

Language can be a form of wealth (Bourdieu 1991: 43). «Establishing a linguistic market creates the conditions for competion where compentence can function as linguistic capital, which produces a profit of distinction for every social barter» (ibid: 55). English makes a profit for distinction both in schools and in the labor market in Tanzania.

Tony, in comparison, had less order in his lessons, since he more used code switching as coping strategy. I perceive his use of the rod on the whole class made an imbalance between the teacher and the students. By hitting the students, he caught their attention, but the students lost their sense of safety that can be a condition for learning. In relation to what Tony said about causality, Swahili worked as a catalysator for attention. Swahili was a discursive marker meaning that here comes something important or disciplining. Mr. Mlawi also took Swahili in use when making fun of the students for their lack of English proficiency. The continuum formal – informal can be view in comparison with the relation English – Swahili.

Historical circumstances

The Unification of Tanganyika and Zanzibar in 1964 resulted in the United Republic of Tanzania. It is the largest country in East Africa. Tanganyika became independent 9 December 1961 with Julius K. Nyerere as president, while Zanzibar gained independence 10 December 1963. Tanganyika was colonised by Germany from 1890-1919 and by Great Britain from 1919-1961. The country is divided into 26 regions: 21 on the mainland and 5 on Zanzibar. In 2007 the population was estimated to be ca. 41 million and today it is estimated to be 55,451,000 by CIA The World Factbook (2019). Dodoma is the capital, but Dar es Salaam is considered the commercial capital. There are 123 ethnic groups in Tanzania. Each group has at least one language of its own, but many groups have several vernaculars, or dialects within a vernacular. For instance a Chagga can speak Kimachame (a dialect of Chagga) as mother tongue, Swahili as a second language and English as third language. In the cities, the majorities have Swahili as their mother tongue. This was also the case for my informants.

Kilimanjaro

Kilimanjaro is the majestic mountain known as the roof of Africa. The etymology is debated, but one explanation is «Hill that cannot be climbed» in Kichagga. In 2002 the population of the Kilimanjaro region was 1,381,149 (Tanzania Government 2008a). Kilimanjaro region is number three in population density after Dar es Salaam and Mwanza. Chagga and Pare are the dominant ethnic groups. Kilimanjaro has fertile soil and spectacular sceneries, which make the region attractive. Incomes from taxing coffee farmers were used on public institutions. This made Kilimanjaro a progressive region compared to the rest of Tanganyika (Moore 1986: 118). Kilimanjaro’s coffee became an object of national interest, as a source for foreign currency.

There’s a concentration of the population in the highlands. The female population is the largest in all six districts. In 1988, there were 205,972 households with an average of 5.3 persons. The six districts are: Rombo, Mwanga, Same, Hai, Moshi Rural and Moshi City. Furthermore, the districts are divided into 26 divisions, 114 administrative units and 402 villages (KSEP 1998). There are two rainy seasons: The major in April-May, and a minor in September-November. The warmest of the two dry seasons is in December-January, and the other in July-August. There has been communications between Kilimanjaro and the rest of the world for thousands of years (Moore 1986).

The region has full primary education, and is known to be one of the best educated regions of Tanzania. The headmaster of Mtaa Secondary School thought this was so, because Kilimanjaro was the first destination of the missionaries. An acceptance of the new religion gave the local population access to education administered by German missionaries.

Chagga

The Chagga are the major ethnic group of Kilimanjaro. They are known to be well educated and business minded people. The Chagga have a Western educated elite and a «strong connection to the international economy, to which they sell terrific Arabica Coffee» (Moore 1986: 11).

You can find Chagga members in various locations in Tanzania. «The Chagga are maybe the most mobile ethnic group of the country, living in all regions because of work, education or business» (KSEP 1998). Many of them have found their way to the administration in the commercial centre, Dar es Salaam. A teacher at Mtaa could proudly state: «You will find Chagga people everywhere in the world. Even in your country. If you meet Tanzanians there, they will turn out to be Chagga.» The Finnish anthropologist Päivi Hasu (1999) has claimed that for the Chagga, accepting Christianity was instrumental to acquiring material wealth.

The migration of Bantu people to Kilimanjaro started 500-600 year ago (Moore 1995). Thus, Chagga is a group consisting of a mix of Bantu peoples. There are no particular origin of the word «Chagga» to be found, but a guide at Chagga Live Museum in Marangu, explained to me that it means a formation of many tribes. The most came from Kenya, like Kamba, Taita and Kikuyu. Morover, Sambaa-people came from southeast, as well as Meru and Masaii from Arusha. The guide continued: «Chagga is from our friends, the Pare, as an amusing nickname. In Kipare, Chagga means «kill.» In Chagga Pare means to «beat.» We call eachother names and crack jokes, like a family» (Edward 2008 [interview]).

A former teacher I met, had another story about the origin of Chagga. He claimed people would say «cha! cha!» to explain that they are busy and wanted to be left alone (Haikamen 2007 [interview]). Put in the stereotypical framing of Chagga as a business minded entrepreneurs, it somehow makes sense.

Some of the chiefdoms were more powerful than others, but there were no central government over Chagga land. The consolidation of these chiefdoms was reached only after the German colonizing power forced it upon them. In mid-19th century the Chagga domesticated cattle and and horticulture. They were relatively wealthy and divided into ca. 30 chiefdoms (Moore 1986). Bruno Gutmann (1926), a missionary and chronicler for the Chagga, estimated the population of the chiefdom Moshi to be 7000 (ibid.). The total population of chiefdoms in Kilimanjaro region was estimated to be ca 100.000. Each chiefdom was divided into districts (mtaa, mitaa (pl.)). The demographic pattern was virilocal: «After the wedding the woman would move from her home to the location her husband’s lineage was settled» (ibid: 18).

The German missionary Johannes Rebmann was in 1848 the first European to visit Kilimanjaro. By then, the Chagga had well established trading networks. The native population assumed Rebmann’s agenda also was commercial. The fixed trading routes went east towards the Indian Ocean, inland and north and south to the lakes Victoria and Tanganyika. There were markets in Kilimanjaro long before the colonial times. Every chiefdom had at least one market (ibid.).

Parenting

The central focus in this thesis is on the use of power, and now I will briefly consider discipline at home. The ethnographer Otto Raum has documented how children were punished if they didn’t obey orders. In his book Chagga Childhood (1940) he states that corporal punishment were common among the Chagga. He based his book partly on the works of Bruno Gutmann. Shepherds who came with cattle for water too late in the morning, or came home too early in the evening «get yelled at or beaten» (Raum 1940: 201). If a cow dies or gets lost, the common punishment would be 15 blows with a stick.

Raum describes punishment as either deserved, formative, or as retaliation. «A more correct interpretation would be to consider these motives as aspects of one phenomenon» (ibid: 225). He claims that the mother beats the child if it refuses to eat, and if it eats soil or dung. The father is responsible to punish older children, but rarely girls. The punishment is performed with the hand or a stick. To make it more painful, salt and fat could be put on the children’s buttocks. Another form of torture Raum writes of, is to place children in a net full of nettle while rubbing them. According to him, this punishment also was common among other ethnic groups nearby.

After punishment, the child is nurtured gently. According to Raum, this proves that the parents are acting affectively while punishing the child. Furthermore, he claims that the effect of corporal punishment depends on how surprising it is (ibid: 227). A child could be tied up and put in the attic if caught stealing. Another punishment could be to ground the child in a cabin with no food for a night or day, if the child irritates them enough. A broker can, however, help the children escape such punishments. For a girl, the mother’s brother or father’s sister could be broker. For a boy, he would maybe ask a well renown man to assist reconciling with the father. In chapter 4, we will discuss the strict role of fathers in relation to the mother’s brother.

Raum explains that the Chagga adjust the punishments according to the age of the children. Generally speaking, the punishments become more severe, but less frequent, with age. Youth are rarely punished after turning 15 years old. There are restrictions on which kind of punishment is advisable. Violence against the head is prohibited. So as using a club. A more suitable method, is to use a stick or a part of a banana leaf, or giving a slap or to pinch the skin. The father punishes more than the mother, who is milder. Raum conludes:

«The educating function of punishment, is to control the child’s interference of paternal or maternal authority, and reinforce a subordinate status of the child. It corrects the relations between successive generations within the family» (ibid: 231).

Punishments such as these, are also legitimated in proverbs. Raum distinguishes parental from judicial punishments. Parental punishments reinstate harmony between the stakeholders in the family, and has reconciliation as an end. With this in mind, I now would like to present my host family.

The African home

In January 2007, I came to Tanzania. I learned some Swahili from a course, but communicated mostly in English with my informants. Via a teacher I got to know the headmaster of Mtaa Secondary School, the central arena of my «field.» This was in Moshi, which had approximately 145 000 inhabitants at the time. Via a Norwegian family I got acquainted with my hosts in Moshi. A family of seven with three adults and four children. Originating from the Usambara mountains they were muslims like the majority population of that region. Two children, Nabilah (12) and Haleef (9) went to a public primary school, while Naadir (10) attended a private primary school. I observed the children i classroom situations, and got to know them in different contexts. Naadi’s mom, Zareenah, ran her own hairdressing saloon, which I also visited. The parents of Haleef and Nabilah were also welcoming and including at home. As mentioned, Mtaa Secondary School was the main arena for this study. Zareenah’s cousin, Nathifa, was a student there and thus became my first acquaintance there. Her friends later became a group of central informants. The teacher, Godfrey, who introduced me to the headmaster at Mtaa, also introduced me to his brother, Aaron, who became my interpreter. He assisted me throughout the fieldwork.

The educational system

Tanzania was on its way to reach one of the Millennium goals of the UN, to have free universal primary school within 2015. Still, only nine percent of students from primary school, continue with secondary education. The educational system of Tanzania is based on the British. The Ministry of Education and Vocational Training has decided that the progression should be 2-7-4-2-3+. That means two years of preschool, seven years of primary school (Standard 1-7), secondary school contains four years Ordinary level (O-level, Form I-IV), and then two years of Advanced level (A-level, Form V-VI) which qualifies to further university studies of three years or more.

Swahili became official language of instruction after the Arusha declaration from 1967. According to Birgit Brock-Utne (2000) the plan was to introduce Swahili as language of instruction in the whole educational system. All subjects in Form I and II were supposed to be taught in Swahili, but this reform was stopped. Still, there is a debate about language of instruction in the secondary school. In chapter 3, I will elaborate this debate and hopefully contribute with some ethnographic data and information.

The grade scale is from A to F, and the students are divided in divisions according to the results. Division I is best, and Division IV is lowest. National tests in different levels are the basis for qualification to higher levels. Participation in O-level is determined by a certain threshold of points from the closing exam of primary school (Vuzo 2007). The average from closing exams from Form IV during the decade of 1996-2005 showed that 11.6 % of the students were in Division I or II; 19.5 % in Division III; 51 % qualified for Division IV, while 17.9 % failed (Mwinsheikhe 2007). The students in secondary school are thus not performing well. Several scholars (i.e. Brock-Utne 2000; Vuzo 2007; Mwinsheikhe 2007; Roy-Campbell & Qorro 1997) have blamed these low results on the educational policy, something I will describe closer in the next chapter.

Mtaa Secondary School

Mtaa Secondary School’s motto is Self-discipline and academic excellence. It is a private secondary school established in 1985. It is owned by Moshi diocese and run by a Catholic organisation with offices in 25 countries worldwide. The headmaster must be a member of this organisation. The school’s vision is «to raise the students with the knowledge necessary to meet the future challenges with integrity, honesty and honour.»

There were 2010 students at the time of my fieldwork. The number of students had increased lately. At the starting point it had just 160 students. Enrollment to the school was independent of gender, nationality, religious or ethnic affiliation, but the majority were Chagga and Christian of one or the other denomination. My focus was in Form V when I came, and in Form VI, where my main informants were attending at the time of my departure. Mtaa is known to be among the best schools of Moshi. The headmaster claimed they had the means necessary to run a school well.

«We have classrooms, laboratories, enough teachers, library, and we ensure ourselves that the teachers do their jobs. These are a few reasons that make this a good school. The other is the results, the national results from Form V and VI. In Form VI they perform very well. 75 % of the students who fulfill A-level, qualify for university studies. This fact attracts parents. The same goes for those who finish Form IV and qualify for A-level. […] 85 % are qualified for A-level after O-level. Parents who bring their child here, know most of the students pass and move on to A-level, and thus they have a chance to attend university. That is why this school is attractive for parents.«

Even though Mtaa is a popular school, the number of students in each class was quite high. The national standard ration is 45 students per teacher, but at Mtaa most classes I observed contained more than 60 students. Kilimanjaro as a region had the lowest average student/teacher ratio in 1996 (KSEP 1998).

The classrooms of Mtaa were rather dark and warm. With bars in front of the windows, they prevented burglary. Two guards watched the gate and wore uniforms in green. Somehow the school reminded me of a prison, but only in the beginning. These associations were strengthened by the strict practice of disciplining students. Students who arrived after 7:30, got punished in one or the other way. On type of punish was that students had to do was to jump like a frog through the gate and into the school yard. Another punishment was to line up all late-comers along the school road, and then they had to do squats on the command of the headmaster. These forms of punishment are corporal. When I spoke to students of punishment, the interpreted the word as meaning solely corporal punishment. In this setting I differed from them by understanding punishment also as something else than just physical types of penalties. With a pedagogical training in advance of this fieldwork, corporal punishment seemed as an archaic form of pedagogy. Still, it is normal in Tanzania. In chapter 4 my aim is to understand why.

A-level at Mtaa has 12 different programs. Nathifa attended the program History, Swahili and English (HKL) and History, Geography and English (HGL). In addition to these programs I observed lessons in ECA, EGM and PCB.

Secondary school in Tanzania

After gaining independence in 1961, the building of secondary schools was limited. Universal primary education was the main goal. The government didn’t want to educate large populations of secondary school candidates who couldn’t get employed (Brock-Utne 2000). Many boarding schools were built. Some studies have shown that students in boarding schools perform better than students in day schools (ibid.). Students would tell me that they preferred boarding schools, because they got more time for homework, free electricity, board and lodging. Moreover, they would escape domestic duties.

Two secondary school I visited in the Kilimanjaro region were boarding schools. They were both in the top ranking based on national exams. A ranking from 1983 showed that among 164 schools, the 41 best were all boarding schools (ibid.).

Most of the lessons I observed were concentrated on the teacher, and could be rubricated as lectures. The teachers are the centers of knowledge and conductors of the learning process (Vuzo 2007). Now and again the students had to repeat what the teacher said. This type of pedagogy, focusing on repetition and rote learning, is what Paolo Freire (1993) calls banking. The students are seen as empty containers to be filled with knowledge. Within this concept, «knowledge is a gift given by those who consider themselves knowledgeable, to those who they consider novices» (Freire 1993: 53). Does English as a language of instruction contribute to this kind of pedagogy? Gregory Bateson (1972) wrote that learning means a form of change. Rote learning is for Bateson the simplest form of learning, together with so-called «zero learning: When you show a minimal rate of change in responding on repeated impulses of the senses» (ibid.: 283). By learning the syllabus by heart, the students also learn that the strategy of rote learning, with certain consequences. In the following, I will address how learning and teaching takes place with English and Swahili as languages of instruction.

An analysis of discipline and punish
in Tanzanian schools

– master thesis submitted May 2009
University of Oslo –

Summary

One of the topics of this master thesis is discipline of students in Tanzanian schools. The thesis is based on a six months fieldwork in Moshi in the Kilimanjaro region. I was mainly in a private secondary school. In Moshi most of my informants were of Chagga ethnicity. Another topic in the text is how clothing and language are types of discipline. English is the language of instruction in Tanzanian secondary schools. According to my limited experience, teachers talk Swahili when disciplining students, while the curriculum is taught in English. Moreover, code switching and code mixing is common among students. In the thesis, I consider if this switching and mixing also contains a shift in social fields and contexts. Discipline and punish are forms of power, an overarching theme of the whole thesis. Corporal punishment is used both at home and in schools. Pain is remembered as an incorporating practice.

Towards the end I address religion in connection with moral, gender roles and punishment. Religion is used by some to justify corporal punishment. In Salomo’s proverbs, for instance, it is written how to use corporal punishment to raise the child. Moreover, religion is a central part of the discourse that defines the concept of caning. Corporal punishment was (2007) and still is (2019) legal under the National Education Act, 1978. I see the praxis in relation with Chagga history, as well as German and British colonial history. Overarching structures of Tanzanian society are furthermore described as a contributing factor to the frequency of punishment. Still, the topic is met with humour and few seem to get traumatised by such punishment. My aim is to seek an understanding of why this might be so.

Note of gratitude

“You don’t change the world, it’s the world that changes you,” my first councillor Anne Birgitte Leseth claimed before I went for fieldwork. Somehow she had a good point. My time in Tanzania brought a wealth of acquaintances and impulses. The experience has been a giant lesson. Many people have contributed to this project. Indeed, it would never have gotten submitted without significant help from my councillors, family and friends. I’d like to express my sincere gratitude to:

my mom, Karina Barsnes, and my late dad, Einar Vidvei,

the associate professors Rune Flikke and Anne Leseth,

family and friends,

the late professor Aud Talle,

professor emeritus Birgit Broch Utne,

the University Library of Oslo,

all informants,

the familiy who introduced my to my Tanzanian host family,

the Nordic Africa Institute,

fellow anthropology students in Oslo and the Institute employees,

Gunnar Husabø, Jorid Kåresen Hervik, Solvor Horrig Helland, Hilde Øvreness, Kristian Dyrkorn, Espen Helgesen and Per Christian Grov.

IOU!

Introduction

Chapter 1

Some central topics

The interplay between students, teachers and parents in Tanzania is the main issue of this master thesis. I chose to focus on discipline performed by teachers and parents as a part of parenting and educating youth in Tanzania. Discipline is the ability and will to submit to a common leadership (Caplex 2008). The word originates from nurturing or educating, from Latin disciplina. Throughout the fieldwork I experienced life as an observing student, participating teacher and an “uncle” in my host family.

Which punishment and discipline are executed through the educational system in which way? In the following I concentrate on secondary schools. Education and society are reciprocally dependent on each-other. They are intertwined and mutually dependent. A school can express something on the larger society. At the same time schools can transform communities (Porter 1998). In this study I present values that are transmitted via education, and how they convey narratives about Tanzanian society.

In Tanzania, formal education was first established by Germans when Tanganyika was a German colony. Today the educational system in Tanzania is based on the British model.  A topic in the thesis is how cultural heritage is elaborated at school. Furthermore, I refer to relevant research that aims to explain corporal punishment on a macro level (Ember & Ember 2005).

Birgit Brock-Utne (2000) has claimed that the educational system represents a re-colonisation of the mind for Tanzanian children. The structure of the system and the curriculum is inspired by the British. When the language of instruction is English, it has consequences also for the identity. In Tanzania Swahili is language of instruction in primary school, while English is language of instruction in secondary school. Code switching and code mixing was common among teachers and students.

The analysis will incorporate language issues with discipline and punish. When Tanzania had its independence in 1961, Julius Nyerere claimed only five persons had university education in the country. Since then Tanzania has gained more than 200 institutions of tertiary education. Most children have access to primary education, but still only 20 % of the students who complete primary school continue with secondary education. Among these more than half fail or score in the lowest division (Stambach 1996). 

A theory I had was that corporal punishment was more frequent when the language of instruction is English compared to Swahili. I will return to epirical examples that illustrates this claim. 

The Chagga are the majority ethnic group in the Kilimanjaro region. In earlier times, grandparents taught their grand children songs, stories, rituals, riddles and lessons to prepare them for adulthood (Setel 1996). Now the lack of control of children is a crucial problem in Moshi. Teachers would complain to me that the youth was mislead by information from TV, Internet and cell phones. These platforms gave the youth new role models, who were not necessarily preferred by the teachers. 

Surprising events

My fieldwork was full of surprises. Of course not everything would go as planned or expected. It was chocking to see pupils given corporal punishment. It puzzled me that this wasn’t more of a controversial topic. I asked many questions to teachers, students and parents about the topic, and let it be clear that I was no fan of the method. Still I wanted to understand why corporal punishment is considered a normal practice. As far as I perceived, students didn’t appear to get traumatised from such punishment. Most of the students I talked to had experienced it once or more, either at home or at school.

Kirsten Hastrup (1992) wrote about astonishment as part of the anthropological project. We let ourselves be fascinated and surprised by the «alien» culture. Our place in the middle of the field requires reflection on which form of science anthropology represents (ibid: 8). For instance I could not become an expert on Tanzanian schools by being there for six months.

Corporal punishment is considered normal, and children as well as adults often laugh at the topic when it is mentioned. A headmaster in Usambara laughed when he explained how he practiced corporal punishment in his school. When corporal punishment is considered «harmless,» it makes it easier to understand why the students didn’t appear to be traumatised by it. Thus, it was an everyday phenomena for them, not considered as violence. As I observed, some students expressed fear and pain in strong expressions, while others put pride in remaining calm while punished. According to Carol and Melvin Ember (2005) corporal punishment was common in approximately 40 % of the chosen societies in the questionnaire, and this shows the phenomena being a cross-cultural praxis. In Tanzania I met diverse opinions about this way of punishment. Teachers, students and parents didn’t agree on the fruitfulness or backwardness of the method, and I will elaborate on this in Chapter 4, which addresses punishment as a topic.

Another aspect that surprised me, was how code mixing and code switching was practiced. The official injunction states that only English should be spoken at school, but this was rarely practiced. Teachers as well as students used Swahili frequently in the schoolyard and in the classroom. In the staffroom they talked Swahili more or less all the time. Only a few teachers used English consistently in their teaching. This topic is addressed in Chapter 3. 

Core issues

Power is an aspect that is part of almost any relation (Eriksen 1998: 199). I will discuss this by using Wolf’s (1994) take on power. As stated, my impression after my time in Tanzania, was that corporal punishment is to be considered normal and an everyday experience. However, I considered it more of a phenomenon worthy of closer study. The main issues of this thesis are to explore:

• How are students disciplined by teachers in schools?
• How is corporal punishment legitimised?
• Which discourse is punishment defined by?
• Which kind of a job does the punishment achieve?

Corporal punishment is often legitimised through tradition and custom. Furthermore, the Bible was used as justification. The discourse of punishment was defined through religious and legal discussions. The mentioned issues invite for a thorough debate about discipline and normality. Is it the laws or social praxis that sets the standard for normality? In Tanzania corporal punishment is normal historically as well as contemporary, and my empirical data will disclose how this is justified.

Core concepts and literature

To begin with, the project was inspired by Lessons from Mount Kilimanjaro by the American anthropologist Amy Stambach (2000). She addresses relations between tradition and modernity, and how these are connected to education. Her monograph shows how Western culture can influence youth via both media and education. Moreover, she explores issues such as gender, family and community. She has less focus on language of instruction and discipline. Thus, my study hopefully will cast light on new contemporary issues in the Kilimanjaro region.

Herman Batibo, Professor of African linguistics at the University of Dar es Salaam, made in 1995 an estimate that only five percent of the Tanzanian people speak English as a second language (Vuzo 2007).  In contrast, it was estimated that 99 percent of the Tanzanian population speak Swahili as mother tongue or as a second language in Tanzania (Brock-Utne 2006a: 20). To master English is an exclusive skill. How is power expressed through language, and how is language power?

Corporal punishment was abolished in Norwegian schools in 1936, while UK first abolished it in 1987. According to the organisation Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children, corporal punishment in schools is legal in at least 106 countries. In Europe only the Czech republic allows such practice. In the Education Act of 1978 it is stated that the headmaster or another teacher by delegation can give up to six blows to punish students in Tanzanian schools. The punishment has to be recorded in a log, and the parents are required to give their permission.

The Minister may make regulations of this Act, and, without prejudice to the make [sic] generality of the power to make regulations for the following purposes: […] to prescribe the conditions of expulsion or exclusion from schools on the grounds og age, discipline or health and to provide for and control the administration of corporal punishment in schools. (The National Education Act 1978 § 60o)

I discovered that corporal punishment is more frequent than what this law allows. One of my aims with the thesis is to discuss why this is the case.

Several key concepts need to be defined to clarify the content of these issues. To discipline is a mean to subordinate, lead and chastise students at school or children in the family. Corporal punishment is deliberately giving another person pain to correct or stop unwanted behaviour. In this context, it is punishment given by teachers with a stick or the hands on students. The punishment can also be an expression of contempt.

Analytical perceptions

To analyse the data I use different theories and methods. Paul Connerton (1989) addresses how communal memory is stored and transmitted in the book How societies remember. He considers this to be incorporated practices, the memories are stored in the body. His perspective is also relevant to view corporal punishment as such a practice. Connerton argues that social habits essentially are legitimating performances. By giving empirical examples, I will show how his analytical perspective is constructive.  Following his claims, corporeal habits are expressions of power. The act of disciplining a child physically is a social and legitimating performance (ibid:35). By sensing this habit as a ritual, we can also grasp the lack of variation. Connerton thinks recollective ceremonies are performative: «Performability cannot be thought without a concept of habit, and habit cannot be thought without an idea of corporeal automatic» (ibid.: 5). I view corporal punishment as such a habit, and will use Connerton’s theories to show how we can understand 

punishment as a performance.

Furthermore, Philipson’s theory (1992) of linguistic imperialism will be a fundament for a discussion of whether or not English as language of instruction suppresses Tanzanian traditional cultures. Philipson argues that English has taken over a new form of colonisation of Africa among other parts of the world. I also touch on Amy Stambach’s discussions of the relations between tradition and modernity for Tanzanian youth. This will be addressed in Chapter 3. Linguistic imperialism is a «subgroup of cultural imperialism, attached to language, but also including other categories since all are mediated through language» Vuzo 2007: 124). From this reasoning English is the external connection within politics, commerce, science, technology, military treaties, entertainment and tourism (ibid.).

Inspired by Leslie C. Moore’s study (2006) of Quran schools, I will analyse linguistic practices by the help of linguistic socialisation theory, which states that the process of learning a language is «significantly influenced by the process of becoming a competent member of a community, and this process is largely realised through language (Moore 2006: 111). The use of the cane in the parenting and fostering of children can be perceived as a similar process they must go through to become competent members of a community.

A ritual is events, often assigned symbolic value, and their performance are often prescribed in a religion, or by customs in a community. «If we can say that religion is a set of perceptions on the supernatural and sacred, about life after death etc, the rituals are the social processes that give the religious perceptions a specific, sensible expression» (Eriksen 1998: 299).

Victor Turner’s theory about rituals can be applied to analyse the experience of pain as a collective ritual. Turner emphasised understanding the sacred, emotional and socially integrating by combining several levels in making sense of rituals. He particularly worked on rite de passage and the meanings of these. Veena Das (1995) discusses whether pain destroys the ability to communicate, or if it creates a moral fellowship of the suffering. In this thesis I will relate my empirical data to these theories, which are fruitful because they can help us understand informants» experience of punishment.

I want to discuss if it is relevant to see punishment as a ritual. Pierre Bourdieu (1995: 143) names punishment and reward «institutionalised rituals,» and claims that «the ceremonies attached to these rituals amplifies the role of education as essential for personal distinction.»

Why Tanzania?

Several reasons made Tanzania an attractive field of study. Africa appeared as a magnificent and diverse continent. Moreover I had studied fascinating monographs by anthropologists such as E. E. Evans-Pritchard and Henrietta Moore. Before my master’s I underwent a year studying applied pedagogy, and was a student teacher in Norway and in USA via an exchange program. This experience led me to gain interest in international and comparative pedagogy. Still I it important to address weaknesses in such comparisons. They are rather comparisons of subjective descriptions of societies than comparisons of societies or cultures (Barth 1999). But for the sake of such comparisons I’d like to use my experience from several teaching traditions. Common for my experience was the challenge of gaining trust and respect from the students: I suppose many teachers have found it hard to maintain discipline in the classroom.

Education is maybe considered the most important mean to fight poverty in the South. UNESCO (2001) states that education is fundamental to erase poverty and to economic growth. Africa is a continent traditionally associated with poverty, war and corruption. At the same time it is naive to believe that schools can save everything. It is necessary to question which kind of an education that’s given, not only how many have access to education. In Tanzania the first President Julius K. Nyerere particularly emphasised education, with the political philosophy «Education for Subsistence.» Every school should also be a farm, and the teachers and students should be farmers (Stambach 2000). At several occasions during my fieldwork agricultural labour or cleaning classrooms were given as a punishment at schools.

One of my aims with this thesis is to present a critical supplement of the prevailing educational optimism. Birgit Brock-Utne questions this by stating that we should not be content barely by the fact that a child has access to education, but critically assess which kind of an education

it is given. Education is fronted by the Tanzanian government as the most important mean to strengthen the domestic economy, «and to adapt to the ever-changing market and technological affairs in the region as well as the global economy» (Tanzania Government 2008b, 1st paragraph). Kilimanjaro is a region where formal education has a relatively long history, thanks to the missionary enterprise.

Amy Stambach’s Lessons from Mount Kilimanjaro introduced me to education in Tanzania in general, and in Kilimanjaro particularly.  Sheri Bastien’s master thesis (2005) gave further insight in the lives of youth in Moshi. Another project of interest was Language of instruction in Tanzania and South Africa (LOITASA), where Professor Birgit Brock-Utne as one of the founders. I am grateful for all these inspirations to build on.

Methods

The purpose of this thesis is first and foremost to solve the stated issues. My empirical data is a fundament for this problem solving. Still, my interpretation of these events and narratives is only one truth among many. Each actor in a social group will have his own version of what really happened. The interpretation of sociocultural phenomena in the field is the most important element of an anthropological text, but the reading of ethnographic predecessors also contains an interpretation (Archetti 1994). I often discussed specific situations from classrooms or the schoolyard, to get several points of view and explanations of what was going on. «As in other forms of written presentations, anthropologists combine «factual» writing with «subjective» experiences, intellectual and theoretical references» (ibid.: 13).

An interesting question is how informants are influenced by being observed by an anthropologist. It’s impossible for me to know exactly how the state of affairs changed when I was not present. I got the impression that the teachers were not afraid to use corporal punishment, code switching or humour whether I was there or not. Still, the lessons would be somehow different without an external observer. When visiting Mkufi Secondary School in Machame, a student told me «the teacher never gave us this good of a lesson before.» He encouraged me to come back to observe more.

To solve the present issues, I used various methods such as participant observation, interviews, questionnaires and focus groups. In the fieldwork i moved mainly in a universe defined by theme (Frøystad 2003: 45) since the majority of my informants were teachers and students in Moshi. Besides, the informants were defined by network since I got to know the main informant Nathifa via my host family. Her friends was also informants and important contributors to this study of Mtaa Secondary School. During the stay I got certain ideas I wanted to prove with questionnaires and more observations. I also made visual representations of theories inspired by Cato Wadel (1991) among others. An important thesis is that Swahili is an informal tool at school, while English was the formal language for formal occasions.

By living in a medium sized city I didn’t perform a classic village fieldwork (Frøystad 2003). Still, I felt deeply involved in my informants everyday living. Even though it has been claimed that fieldwork in big cities has low anthropological prestige (ibid.), I was content with the quality of the fieldwork. I had great access and got to know a small group of persons at the school, and got to evolve in depth knowledge on their lives.

I used previous experience from the teaching profession to compare and analyse events and claims. I got to teach too, because of my teacher education. I learned a lot from that. Sometimes I felt as a student myself, although I had the role of a teacher. According to the learning pyramid we are on top as learners when we teach others (Woolfolk 2004). This insight is framed mainly on the subject taught, but I claim that it also gave me anthropological insights. During the fieldwork I visited five secondary schools and two primary schools in the Kilimanjaro region, a secondary school and a primary school in Usambara mountains, and a primary school in Dar es Salaam. Through interviews with the headmasters I learned the particularities of the various schools. Next is a brief presentation of the methods I applied.

Qualitative and quantitative method 

I mostly applied qualitative methods, but also quantitative. Qualitative methods are more subjective and requires a interprative approach. Qualitative methods also make interpretations more dynamic, by analysing the changes that take place. The quantitative information contains questionnaires to understand ideas of correlation and elaboration.

Participant observation

I lived with a family and learned how everyday living can be in Moshi. This gave me data to compare formal education with parenting at home. In the weekdays I normally went to Mtaa Secondary School, or to one of the two primary schools where the children of my host family were students. I spent time with the students in the schoolyard, and met them sometimes in their spare time as well. In the tea brakes I would often come to the staffroom to exchange ideas and opinions. I wrote field notes and recorded sometimes conversations with a minidisc recorder.

Not all situations were appropriate for sound recording, nor writing field notes. Author Dag Solstad said that people would constrain themselves if you took notes while talking to them. And it is exactly this natural everyday wisdom that we want to catch as anthropologists. Since informants would be sceptical when I took notes, and became silent when I turned the recorder on, I switched strategy. I rather wrote down the events afterwards, but this limits the accuracy somehow. My field notes was fragmented and contained both interaction data and data from statements. The information was in Norwegian, Swahili and English.

At Mtaa I taught literature, and presented Things Fall Apart, by Chinua Achebe. Furthermore I sung with a choir at a boarding school. I taught mainly in English.  

As an anthropology student I acquired information about students both from themselves directly, but also from other stakeholders. Sometimes the informants would withhold information or lie about matters. The author Dag Solstad says that it’s not the most important thing if the informants tell the truth, but that the statements are everyday information. I somehow could relate to that. How could I know whether an informant told me the truth or not? It could still be interesting statements and narratives. I used anonymous questioners for more sensitive issues.

Questionnaires

During my fieldwork I got some ideas of how events correlated and corresponded, and tested these claims with

questionnaires. I had multiple choice as well as more open questions. This gave me some quantitative information. After all the major part of this study is based on interaction, discussions and events in Tanzanian schools. Thus, it is a personal study of these topics.

Focus group discussions

A focus group discussion is a «semi structured group discussion with a small selection from a population, where the purpose is to collect in depth information about a given topic» (Lerdal and Karlsson 2008). This method is more dynamic than one to one interviews. I used this method to elaborate certain topics particularly important for the study. I always recorded the discussions.

Interview

I interviewed several stakeholders before and during fieldwork. Some interviews were prepared, but others were improvised. I often had interesting conversations with students while we were waiting for the teacher to arrive. At the end of my stay I conducted life history interview with two of my main informants.

Cell phone

The cell phone was an important mean of communication. My number was not secret and several students contacted me. I wrote down some messages to show how youth use sms language in Tanzania. Every student I knew had their own cell phone. I quickly learned the concept of beeping. The Microsoft researcher Jonathan Donner (2007) wrote in the article The rules of beeping, that it is common to call and then hang up, for two reasons. Either to save money by making the other part call you back, or just to greet someone. To say: «Hi, I’m thinking about you.»

Changing roles

As mentioned, I wanted to see the life though the eyes of the various groups this study addresses. I was met with hospitality and generosity. As white I was often thought of as a tourist. Small children would scream «Mzungu, mzungu!» to me when I passed. Mzungu is used for white people, but originally means one who travels around (Baaz 2002). After the independence there was a general suspicion of Europeans, who were considers spies (ibid.). I got such an accusation in a focus group discussion. A 

student asked me:»How can we know you’re not doing this to steal our ideas to exploit us?» He continued to ask if I wanted to steal their brains. I had to argue that to understand is the purpose and goal in itself. Not means to exploit anyone. «Not let it be for purpose, but for the benefit of Africa,» he concluded.

During a discussion about punishment with a student at Mtaa, he showed an understanding of Europe as shown on TV. «We are different from Europeans […] Everyone understands that Europeans have never been caned. I films and on TV you don’t see Europeans caning children, but in Africa and even in China, kids are caned.»

In my host family I was presented as an uncle. I felt at home quickly. Uncle is a large category of friends and remote relatives of a family. At school I observed, discussed, taught, and most significantly, learned a lot. I switched between roles as teacher and student. According to Erving Goffman’s (1971) theories in The presentation of self in everyday life, the classroom is a frontstage, while the cantina and staffroom can be considered backstage. An important divide between frontstage and backstage at Mtaa is that it is mostly spoken Swahili backstage, and English frontstage. The rules of talking in English are also valid in the schoolyard, although they were rarely complied. In chapter 3 I will discuss how language relates to context and roles.

In Chapter 6 I will synthesise the ideas presented in previous chapters, and state what this study adds to the current base of knowledge. Many of the informants had a close relation to their believes, and education and religion were overlapping. Education is religion, and religion is education (Stambach 2006). The students often referred to God when they had exams, though of future studies and if they got ill. Religion was also used to justify corporal punishment.

My purpose is to describe and understand life as a Tanzanian student, and to put these lives in a greater context. I want to see various forms of discipline, through institutions, structures, language, body and religion.

I want to show that corporal punishment is considered necessary to maintain discipline and order. Another claim is  that English as language of instruction is positive, and knowledge of English strengthens the chances of a good life. The conceptions may be related, and they have history from the colonial era. Corporal punishment has naturally a longer history from way before the Chagga ethnic group was colonised.